The state of
Kerala in Indian union occupies a distinguished position among its counter
parts in the country in terms of development in social sector as well as in its
tertiary sector. This phenomenon is widely known as ‘Kerala Model of
Development’ in the literature. If we observe the Kerala economy and its
society we can amply deduce an important element inherent to this lopsided
system of development which is fundamentally feeding the same vicious circle of
development. In other words, the Kerala economy with a social sector which is
said to be highly developed resting on weak economic fundamentals itself is
responsible for the continuation of this often unpleasant development
trajectory over the years. Thus, in my view, the fact that social development
in Kerala preceded the economic development of the state appears to be a curse
in itself so far as the overall development of the state is concerned. For, a
socially developed society, whether it be economically developed or not, will
be highly conscious and sensitive to all sorts of other developments in that
society. Let me note here one thing that the term ‘social development’ I have
used here is in relative sense to other states rather than in absolute sense
However, given
this socio-economic background of Kerala, when the state attempts to develop
its economic fundamentals, say infrastructure development like widening of
National Highway or building new airport, will
met with stiff opposition from the people. At the same time, in those
states like Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra etc with relatively better economic
fundamentals on the one hand and poor social sector on the other hand, would
not have to face such opposition from the people in the context of building up
the economy. What lies at the root of this kind of behavior on the part of the
people? How do we economically justify this character? The underlying factor
behind this sort of a behaviors on the part of Kerala society can be traced
back to the very origin of the discipline of Economics- the trade off involved
in the utilization of available scarce economic resources like land, water etc.
Economics exists not only because resources are limited but also the limited
resources have alternative uses which is known as trade off which implies that
resources used for a particular purpose will not available for another purpose
and hence a rationale economic agent like people must evaluate the cost and
benefit of using a particular resource and the resources will only efficiently
and optimally used when the net outcome (difference between cost and benefit)
is positive or beneficial among alternative uses. That is why malayalees object
to the all most all economically significant progarmmes and policies brought
about not only by government but by private sector also. For, if you want to
develop the economic base of Kerala, the people of the Kerala should be willing
to make sacrifices on many fronts because of its geo-demographic peculiarities.
For instance, Kerala is having high density of population compared to other
states as the total geographical area of Kerala is narrow. Therefore, in the
backdrop of given social, geographical, demographic and even anthropological peculiarities
of the state of Kerala, when it implicitly indulge in the process of the
assessment of pros and corns or the costs and benefits of a change as part of
the process of strengthening its economy will turn out be negative implying the
net-outcome will be against the very change proposed by the external forces
like government. Thus, in my view, the envious social development that Kerala
has achieved over the years remains to be a stumbling block in its own economic
development. In other words, the social development of Kerala has empowered its
citizens in all respects especially politically to with stand the forces of
change which is against their interest, at least in the short run. Whereas as
far other states whose economic development has preceded their social
development are concerned, their citizens are neither in a position to make an informed
evaluations of the resulting cost and
benefit of the changes suggested by external forces nor empowered to withstand
such forces of change and therefore, the changes are often imposed rather than
espoused. Thus, in that sense, social darkness that exists in such states is a
benign rather than malign as far as the economic prosperity of such states are
concerned in the long run. That is, the current generation bears the brunt of
the changes brought about for the development of the society which will be
helpful for the overall- social and economic- development of the future
generations of such states. As far as the Kerala is concerned, since its
current generation is no longer ready to absorb the sacrifices involved in the
changes, its future generation will have to bear its brunt. Thus social sector development of the
malayalees on the one hand and the lopsided economic development pattern on the
other hand is inextricably interlinked wherein the former keep on feeding the
latter.
The economic
reasoning I have drawn on here to comment on the Kerala’s economic and social
experiences has got its resonance even abroad. Two things are worth mentioning
here. First, according to American Intellectual, Seymour Martin Lipset,
economic development via the mediating effect of social development in the form
of increased education, social equality and changes in the class structure,
will lead to the increased democratization of the society. Prof. Jagatish
Bhagwati, in his book In Defense of
Globalisation has interpreted this view of Lipset as that economic
prosperity produces a middle class and this emerging middle class creates an
effective demand for democratization of politics. From both these views it can
be figured out that social development should be preceded by the economic
development so that a pressure-group like middle class in terms of the economic
endowment emerges to rectify the aberrations of the democracy from its true
path. If so, why not interpret this otherwise that if economic development
precedes that social development, then a mediocre social group in terms of the
social endowment (instead of a middle class in terms of economic endowment as
in the case of former) will be created and such a group will be working as
resistant group to the forces of economic development. I think this could be
what actually happened in the context of Kerala economy. The pattern of social
and economic development experienced by Kerala was akin to what I have just
described and therefore, Kerala society has seen a phenomenal growth of such a
mediocre group in term of their social consciousness not compared to other states
(as I noted in the outset) but compared to societies of advanced countries and
it is essentially this mediocrity of the Kerala society which is responsible
for the intolerance of malayalees to cope with the real costs associated with
the new changes either in the form of policy or programmes to support its weak
economy. The current state of the affair
in the higher education of the state also corroborates this perspective.
Despite widely acclaimed achievements at the level of basic education compared
to other states in India, Kerala’s higher education scenario is in pathetic
condition today. Universities and other higher learning centers are being
reduced to simply factories of degrees and certificates wherein a post-graduate
who got educated throughout his/her career in English language find it
impossible to write a single sentence in the same language without error. In my view, this kind of pathetic situation
in the higher education in the state which is said to be highly socially aware
and alert, in a sense presents a paradox. And this paradox may be untangled
through the above reasoning. That is, our mediocre nature in terms of our
social awareness limits us to be concerned adequately and effectively about the
quality deterioration of our higher education and therefore, it is left to the
mercy of the destiny.
Second, Jagdish
Bhagwati also explains in his book the contrast between the development
experience of Russia and China by way of linking their experience with the
thesis of Lipset. According to Bhagwati, Russia under Gorbachev opted for
political freedom before economic restructuring including an end to autarky
whereas China opted for economic change before undertaking democratization.
Thus, Bhagwati observed that China’s enormous success and Russia’s astonishing
failure have lead to many think both that democratization should follow, not
precede, economic reforms and the prosperity and the middle classes that follow
the success of economic reforms will indeed lead to democratization down the road.
Thus, it is clear that the so called highly celebrated Kerala model of
development is not something alien as
far as the global development experience is concerned and therefore, there is
little to celebrate or fanfare on such a model as we have seen throughout last
many decades. It remained to be an alien and something be clamored only for
those who always look at the economics through the prism of statistics and
percentages rather than entertaining the reality that economics cannot sensibly
exist in isolation from politics, culture, sociology including anthropology.
Therefore, I would like to conclude with the loose observation based on the
above analysis that Kerala still continues to be an economically fragile and
weak state with a developed social sector because of the inherent fallacy of
the composition of the same development structure.
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